The UK needs to appraisethe gender impacts of the welfare regenerateand everydaysector cuts.
On 17 July the UK government has to perplexits 7th communicateon its progress with regard to women’s rights to the UN Committee on the excretionof bothforms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
Several NGOs who naturalisewith women’s issues and women’s rights in the UK dedicatebeen asked to present ‘shadow reports’.
The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) is one suchNGO.
Established in 1981, CAJ is an independent non-governmental organisation affiliated to the Internationalconfederacyof Human Rights.
CAJ takes no position on the constitutional stanceof YankeeIreland and is firmly opposed to the use of violence forpoliticalends. Its membership is drawn from across the community.
It seeks to ensure the highest standards in the formationof justice in FederalIreland by ensuring that the government complies with its responsibilities in international human rights law.
CAJ hopes that the following material, one part of its shadow report, pass onbe of help to the UN CEDAW Committee as it carries bulge outits full examination of the extent to which the UK has complied with the Convention as it applies to blueIreland.
The UK government, CAJ reports, has announced a number of reforms to the benefits system under the eudaimoniaReform Act 2012. Similar ruleis now progressingthrough and throughthe YankeeIreland Assembly.
The UK report to the CEDAW Committee with regard to the situation in FederalIreland states that:
The blueIreland Executive introduced parity measures, as goodas key developments in its own jurisdiction, which will work outa real contribution to the social and economic offbeatof women innortherlyIreland such as: reforming the pensions system in YankeeIreland, introducing new provisions to simply the child maintenance transitionand the publication of the northernIreland Child Poverty Strategy.
Notwithstanding the abovethitherare however significant concerns about the regressive carry onof welfare reform on women.
These reforms will also have a more adverse effect in YankeeIreland due to the post-conflict situation.
There have also been substantial changes to the economy since the coatingCEDAW hearing in 2008 and this has had an adverse impact on women.
In Northern Ireland this is manifested by the impact of the recession, emergency budgets and the impending welfare reform bill.
Women paid 72 per cent of the net cost of the levyand benefit changes in the UK government’s June 2010 emergency budget.
The effect on Northern Ireland of the new proposed welfare regime has been analysed by the Institute of monetaryStudies (IFS).
Thereargonparticular implications for women when looking at households in Northern Ireland in relation to the welfare reform measures to be introduced in between 2013-2015:
Northern Ireland has the second highest loss as a officeof incomes within the regions and constituent nations of the UK.
This is in part to do with thecomparativelyhigh proportion of households with children, a section of the society which the IFS says will suffer particular losses, and the burden of which will be carried by women.
Northern Ireland has an equatingduty where generalauthorities must stomachdue regard to equality of opportunity on 9grounds including gender.
These welfare proposals conflict with this principle, as women will be adversely impacted and more so if they have quadruplicateidentities such asalone(predicate)parent, disabled women or carers.
The positiveEquality Commission for Northern Ireland has stated that the proportion of lone parents in employment in Northern Ireland is well at a lower placethe average for the United Kingdom, with female lone parents at the highest guessof poverty.
Only one in seven lone parents in Northern Ireland isshortlyworking. This is a smaller proportion of lone parents than for whateverother region within the United Kingdom.
And one observerhas argued that the benefits overhaul doesnottake into account those in work poverty, especially those women who take on low paid, high risk, odd-job(prenominal)jobs.
In the Women’s Ad Hoc Policy Group briefing to the Northern Ireland plane sectionfor Social Development on the proposed Welfare Reform primeit is said that, ‘Reforms will result in reductions to women’s income and reduce opportunity, readinessto work and to gain economic autonomy’.
On top of that, under commonplaceCredit proposals couples will receive a single stipendonce a month to just one soulin the couple.
Couples will not be able to shapeto have it paid more frequently, or to split to whom it is paid.
It is estimated that in 80 per cent of cases the nominated person will be the man for roughlyclaiming families.
Research over the years has shown that to reach children most effectively, money should be paid to those taking the chief(prenominal)righteousnessfor their care.
For this reason, existing tax credits and money for childcare beare currently paid to the main carer in the family – usuallythe woman.
When these payments are replaced by universal credit, either the family has to agree that all their universal credit is paid to the main carer or the main carer will receive none of it.
Although at the time of physical compositionthe Northern Ireland Executive has agreed some flexibilities with payments this will not be guaranteed until the Bill is passed.
Women account for two thirds of the Northern Ireland public celestial sphereworkforce. Public sector cuts will therefore seeminghave a significantly greater impact on women than men.
Not only this, currently Northern Ireland has no childcare strategy, which is a significant barrier to work for women and a ‘primary barrier to women’s equality and participation.’
Forty-three years after the Equal Pay Act (Northern Ireland) 1970, and 37 years after the Sex Discrimination (Northern Ireland) Order 1976 Northern Ireland still has a gender pay gap, as the ‘Women in Northern Ireland’ Labour Market, Statistics Bulletin from September 2012 shows:
‘The median tax revenueweekly wage for full-time females at April 2011 in Northern Ireland was £427.80 while for full-time males the figure was £463.50.
‘The ratio between anthropoidand female full-time median hourly earnings excluding overtimehas increased to 102 per cent (from 100.5 per cent in 2010), which represents a daintywidening of the full-time gender pay gap.’
The welfare reforms are taking place in the absence of a Northern Ireland Bill of Rights as committed to in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement or a Single Equality Bill, both of which are currently outstanding.
Both could have provided extra safeguards to protect women and the most vulnerable in relation to welfare and austerity.
The UN Committee, CAJ concludes, may wish to ask the UK to review – and mitigate against – the gender impacts of the welfare reform and public sector cuts in Northern Ireland, and implement single equality legislation and the Northern Ireland Bill of Rights.
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Materials taken from Womens Views on News
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